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佐藤栄作 受賞論文集

While collective security works well in theory, putting it into practise hassome limitations. For example, the Charter does not set specifically to what extentindividual states have to contribute to these missions and thus it opens the way forfree riders. Some states might be reluctant to contribute troops and equipment or tofinance UN missions, but enjoy the benefits of collective security. Conversely, it couldbe debated to what extent collective security works against dominant states. Cases inconsideration are, for example, the USA’s 2003 invasion of Iraq or the Russian assaulton Georgia in 2008. Given the difficulty to sanction states as powerful as the USAor Russia, collective security is inevitably biased towards them. Consequently, whilecollective security can be a strong deterrent against interstate aggression, the politicalinterest of dominant states might alter its objectivity.The other component of the UN’s interstate conflict prevention is providingnational leaders opportunity for diplomatic discussion. The UN framework createsa forum for leaders to conduct diplomatic talks and resolve disagreements at theconference table. This was particularly important during the Cold War, and it provedto be an effective way of mediation between the USA and the USSR. Moreover, thenumber of interstate wars has been generally low since the end of WWII, 8 which tosome extent could indicate the success of the UN framework.Despite of the decreasing number of interstate wars, the end of the 21 stcentury witnessed some of the most hideous ethnic conflicts of modern history. Thedisintegration of Yugoslavia did not only produce a cruel civil war, but it also resultedin a large scale ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In 1995 the Srebrenicamassacre occurred in front of the very eyes of UN Peacekeepers. A year earlier, in10668 (Gleditsch, Wallensteen, Eriksson, Sollenberg, & Strand, 2002)