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佐藤栄作 受賞論文集

第29回優秀賞of the UNSC, their opposition will be a strong constraint to establish the UNDC.SolutionsAlthough there are issues to be solved, the international community can andhas to overcome them. First of all, the UNDC does not abuse state sovereignty. TheUNDC does not act militarily first, but it advises to the state because it respectsstate sovereignty. If the state fails democratisation, the UNDC will help. Therefore,the UNDC respects state sovereignty first. However, when the UNDC helps todemocratise the state, there may be another opposition because it can be seen as anintervention. Nevertheless, it has to be justified because the UNDC aims at avoidingtragedy. As we have seen in the Arab uprising, democratisation movement can becatastrophe today. Even if, it violates state sovereignty, the UN must act to respecthuman rights and protect human lives. The UN and the international society have“duty to save lives”(Popovski, 2003: 56). The norm of R2P should be understood byits spirit. It focuses on people, instead of states. ICISS (2001:57) states that R2P shouldfocus on protecting people, instead of destroying regime, but it is not always the case.Of course, R2P must not be used to intervene for political reason, but regimes have tobe destroyed if human rights violation is structured in the state. When we re-examineR2P, destroying regime can be justified if the regime violates human rights.Human rights are a global norm today. All 193 states agree the UN Charter,which states that human rights should be respected in the preamble. The issue isthe ambiguity of the norm of human rights. For example, some states emphasis onthe civil and political rights, while some emphasis on the economic and social rights.However, when states agree to a specific definition of human rights and democracy,states cannot reject action of the UNDC. It will be difficult to make, but explicitcriteria guarantee the neutrality of the UNDC.1011