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佐藤栄作論文集9~16

and China-has a veto power is not an adequate cross section of states and morespecifically that eastern values and beliefs are not adequately represented. HedleyBull points out three common conditions citing a number of classic examples ofintervention. First, each had the tacit approval of the great powers,(ii)did not posethreat to the balance of power and(iii)not one of the invaded states was a sovereignequal. 17Certainly it could be argued to these ends in the cases of East Timor andKosovo.It is thus suggested that in the name of ethical and cultural diversity that thestructure of the Security Council be expanded to include at the very least, one furtherseat to account for a Middle Eastern or African nation. The seat could be a rotatingseat whereby the occupying nation has a term of three years so as to allow forgreater diversity. In the event of an expanded Security Council it is recommendedthat the accompanying veto power be removed so as to ensure maximum protectionfor the common good.As an aside, there has been much hope pinned on the establishment of theInternational Criminal Court as a means to bringing despots to justice and ultimatelydeterring perpetrators of ethnic conflict. Such hopes in my view, not to understate itsimportance in the international system, are a fickle solution to the dilemma of ethnicconflict. The law in any sphere, as we tend to know, works in timely delays, withproceedings happening months and even years after the alleged crime. Moreoverusually there will be one or two scapegoats to the crime yet the big fish swims awayunscathed. It is also a system that favours those with the monetary means. Not to begotten wrong, it is important that the international legal system is an enforceable andjust one however it is unlikely to be the sole solution to reducing or even eradicatingethnic conflict.894 17 Hedley Bull“Human Rights and World Politics”Chapter 4 in p. 83.