ブックタイトル佐藤栄作論文集9~16

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佐藤栄作論文集9~16

第16回佳作And a collective security regime would be the best mechanism for tackling theproblems that accompany such a phenomena.ConclusionIn the preceding pages we have argued in favor of an enhanced UN role in thesphere of ethnic conflicts. Under the present modus operandi of the organization,however, a number of obstacles stand in the way of realizing such a goal. The reasonsfor this pertain both to the unique dynamics of ethnic conflicts as well as the natureand the parameters of the workings of the UN laid down at the San FranciscoConference more than half a century ago. Ethnic conflict involves at least two sides:the central government and an ethnic group. Wherever ethnic groups are in conflictwith the government, they are in essence challenging its legitimacy. For this reason,governments are often reluctant to allow the intervention of the UN. Much to thedelight of sovereign states, the organization’s Charter also stipulates that generallywhatever happens within the national boundaries of a member-states is a matter ofinternal affair that should be of concern only to that particular state.Therefore, the fact that a government is by definition the sole sovereign organ ofthe state and that‘domestic’affairs fall outside the jurisdiction of the UN relegates thelatter at best to the position of a passive observer unless the concerned government‘invites’it. This remains the case even when ethnic groups challenging the state havesuperior military power to and control more territory than the central government. 26It should also be noted that even though various forms of accommodations do alsoexist in theory, the conflict between a central government and an ethnic group tendsto be a zero-sum game. Consequently, the government will be most unwilling to invitethe intervention of the UN before it makes sure that the outcome of the intervention26 For a thorough examination of this subject specially in reference to Africa see, R. H. Jackson and C. G. Roseberg,“Why Africa’s Weak States Persist. The Empirical and the Juridical in Statehood,”World Politics, Vol. 35(No. 1),1982. Also see my observation in“Systemic Factors and the Conflicts in the Horn of Africa, 1961-1991,”K. Fukui etal(Eds.)Ethiopia in Broader Perspective: Proceedings of the 13th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies,Vol. II(Kyoto: Shokado, 1997), pp. 105-120.863