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佐藤栄作 受賞論文集

第19回最優秀賞to date fail to meet the need for conflict resolution in the long-term, partly because bysimply aiming to stop the violence they do not address the underlying root-causes ofconflicts, and partly because the attention of the international community lapses withtime. 22 Therefore, military intervention should be considered a matter of exceptionalresort, not the“one-size-fits-all”solution to diverse problems, as is presently practiced.This is explicitly stated in the Charter of the UN, which remains the source of theinstitution’s legitimacy. 23The impact of such frequent employment of humanitarian interventions andmilitary means in various conflicts makes the UN family vulnerable to accusationsthat it is equating Power with Justice, rather than putting the former in theservice of the latter. 24Schnabel characterizes Russian peace-keeping within theCommonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as a“forceful, partial and intrusivemilitary operation, which may enhance order, but by no means necessary justice”. 25 Itmust be said, this insightful criticism could be even more aptly applied to UN-relatedhumanitarian interventions. By surrendering to the appeal of“easy”solutions offeredby intervention, the UN endangers, in the eyes of its smaller, less powerful members,its credibility and legitimacy as the only global forum for dialogue. This is one ofthe reasons why the attitude of smaller nations vis-a-vis international organizationscomprises suspicion and resentment, while the attitude of more-powerful states isdisrespectful to say the least. 26 The fundamental problem with such a system is theabsenceofasenseofbelongingandparticipationinarealglobalcommunity.2722 For analysis of interventionist thinking, refer to Tobias Debiel,“Strengthening the UN as an Effective WorldAuthority: Cooperative Security Versus Hegemonic Crisis Management”, Global Governance, 6 (1), 2000, pp. 25-41,especiallyp.27.23 Article 2 (4) of the UN Charter states,“All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threator use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other mannerinconsistentwiththePurposesoftheUnitedNations”.24 Arguing in favor of such a vision, Herman suggests that“interventionism”is a fallback to the Westphalian systemwhen‘mightmakesright’.Fordetails,seeHerman,op.cit.,p.xiv.25 For analysis of Russian peacemaking under the UN authorization within the CIS, see Albrecht Schnabel.“Post-Cold War Peacekeeping and the Feasibility of Collective Security: A Realist Interpretation”, in Michel Fortmannet al. eds., Multilateralism and Regional Security, Clementsport: Canadian Peacekeeping Press, 1997. pp. 43-59. Inparticular, pp. 46-48.26 For insights on the UN’s legitimacy, see Coicaud, op cit., p. 3.27 For instance, see Ibid., p. 5.191