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佐藤栄作 受賞論文集

solution, the SC should be able to authorise it when it is severely needed. As it is notable to do so due to the insistence to non-intervention of some P5 members, the UN’scapacity to protect people is limited.Even if an intervention is authorised its success depends on whether there isenough willingness and capacity. While the USA has played key role in most of thehumanitarian interventions launched around the globe, it is becoming increasinglyoverstretched and cannot be expected to be the“world’s policeman”all the time.Furthermore, relying on a limited number of states for carrying out intervention mayalso raise the problem of selectivity. For example, intervention was launched very fastwhen Iraq invaded Kuwait a major oil exporter, but not when genocide occurred inRwanda. While UN interventions are launched based on humanitarian consideration,states are more likely to contribute when there is also a national interest at stake.However, such selectivity might undermine the UN’s credibility. It has been suggestedthat the UN should have its own permanent mercenary or at least a rapid reactionforce. While it would solve the problem of not having enough states contributing tomissions, capacity would remain a problem. UN forces could get over-engaged just asthe USA. Moreover, financing the personnel and the equipment for such a mercenarymight prove more difficult than recruiting states on ad-hoc basis. Consequently, theUN remains dependent on member states’willingness to intervene.The veto power of the P5 and the dependence on member states’willingness tocontribute makes UN intervention in armed conflicts politicised and thus decreases itscredibility.1068