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佐藤栄作論文集9~16

observations of some analysts are to be relied upon, a trend is now emerging in whichpeople increasingly judge the legitimacy of their leaders on the basis of policy outputsinstead of solely the mechanism by which political leaders assume power. 10In short, our understanding of the dynamics of ethnic conflicts is that there is acausal link between the crises of citizenship and legitimacy on the one hand and theeruption of violent ethnic conflicts that would in some cases lead to the collapse ofthe state; that it is the way communal diversity is managed or mismanaged, not thevery existence of diversity itself, that explains the essence of political stability or theabsence of it in‘divided’societies and; that it is how policies are perceived, not theactual existence or absence of discrimination, that engenders challenges to or supportfor the state in such societies. 11The nagging questions still remain. What are thealternative mechanisms, if any, by which the mutation of communal movements intoviolent conflicts can be forestalled and, if conflicts somehow erupt how can they beregulated? And what effective role can the UN play in the process? But first let usdraw a balance sheet of the performance of the United Nations in this area.The UN and ethnic conflicts 12The UN is an inter-state organization formed by and for sovereign states. Theprevention, management and resolution of inter-state conflict as opposed to interethnicconflict therefore constituted the raison de etre of its formation. No wonderthen that the Charter of the UN leaves almost exclusively to the sovereign state whathappens within its national border under the blanket principle of‘non-interferencein the internal affairs of a sovereign state’. It is also in keeping with this principlethat the major UN activities in conflict situation in the past fifty years had involved85610 See, for instance, J. N. Rosenau and M. Durfee, Thinking Theory Thoroughly(Boulder: Westview Press, 1995), p.33-37.11 I have elsewhere tried to substantiate this idea with the help of a case study. For details see my essay“Reconsideringthe Eritrean Conflict,”in Stuart N. Nagel(Ed.)Handbook of Global Policy(New York: Marcel Dekker, 1999)(Forthcoming).12 This section heavily draws upon on a part of my,“World Politics Not As An Inherently Pre-Social Order:Deconstructing the Ontological Status of Anarchy in the International System,”Kokusai Seiji Keizaigaku Kenkyu,No. 4, 1999, pp. 12-16.