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佐藤栄作論文集9~16

第15回最優秀賞accelerates chaos and worsens the conditions of human rights and observer missions.At this stage, the UN can deploy traditional peacekeeping forces. Despite of a highpossibility of the government’s consent, if its rejection is clear, the UN can coordinateregional meetings to develop further analysis for settlement. While the UN can bea fair go-between to bring a legitimate authority to a negotiation table, it is morepractical to utilize neighbouring countries for negotiations and future courses to betaken. Unnecessary pressure on the disputants in the name of the UN would trigger anegative result.If deterioration of situations does not improve, however, it is more likely that theUN takes coercive measures either in cooperation with regional organisations or inthe form of multinational forces under Articles 42 and 43 of the UN Charter. At thisstage, the UN needs to incorporate humanitarian operations in such coercive measuresin a manner that the UN does not undermine its previous efforts of negotiations.For example, unilateral threatening act of NATO air strike on Serbia leads theauthoritative government to doubt the UN’s credibility and become more determinedto fight back against the UN. The UN has to retain its political reign and by this time,regional organisations are arms of the UN having examined cases together from thefirst stage. If coercive measures are taken, they need to take careful consideration forthe composition of forces.Fourthly, despite the UN Charter, negotiations would include the demarcation ofterritory. When conducting the restoration of a state, the UN can cooperate withregional organisations in terms of referendums and elections since spill-over effectis still a great concern for neighbouring countries. The UN’s observer missions,international help in stabilising an internal security and reconciliation by applyingthe provisions of the UN Charter are utilized at full scale. Even though peacemaking643