ブックタイトル佐藤栄作論文集9~16

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佐藤栄作論文集9~16

shorn of‘Super Power’status.Whereas the other members of the Security Council still reserve the right toveto any decision which they disapprove, recent events indicate that the US is themost influential member thereby raising the possibility that the decisions of the UNSecurity Council are ?‘de facto’? decision of the US.The folly in such a state of affairs is that the Security Council’s conflict resolutionwill tend to be pegged to the US’s perception of what constitutes a breach ofinternational peace and security; as opposed to what the rest of the internationalcommunity may perceive to be more threatening.Consequently, the Security Council readily ? in line with the United States’sentiments ? approved the 1992 military intervention in Iraq to prevent human rightsabuse in parts of that country, while the apparently much worse conflicts, say inSomalia and former Yugoslavia, have elicited only token international intervention.The question which has to be faced in the post-Cold War era is the extent towhich a Security Council dominated by one Super Power can responsibility maintaininternational peace and security. Is there also not a need to‘update’the permanentmembership of the Security Council by including countries such as Japan andGermany which have since become economic and political forces in world affairs?There is a case for arguing that whereas the co-existence of two diametricallyopposed ideologies created procrastination in the Security Council’s decision-makingmechanism, a positive side to it was that it prevented the body from making hastydecisions. In other words, bi-polarity created some sort of balance in the Council’sdecision process. Bi-polarity, therefore, appears to have been a conditio sine qua nonfor the operation of the Security Council as an instrument for preserving internationalpeace and security.40