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佐藤栄作論文集9~16

One could cite two overriding reasons for this, reflecting the reality of internationalpolitics surrounding the UN.First, it is naive to view the U.N. decision-making process as monolithic. In fact,the U.N. continues to be an arena for different national interests of member states tocollide and converge. The calculus of numerous national interests inevitably makesdifficult and elusive the creation of the U.N. standing army or QRUs and their timelydeployment. Policy convergence is a prerequisite for U.N. military involvement tobecome possible; yet, with over 170 member states in the U.N. system, coalescenceof a wide variety of national interests does not occur without substantial stymie anddelay.Second, the existing bureaucracy and red tapes within the U.N. system wouldcertainly make the commanding structure of the U.N. QRUs ineffective andconfusing. 15Member states are expected to contribute their precious soldiers andofficers; yet, if their command was rendered incompetent by bureaucracy and lackof resources, member states would be extremely reluctant to contribute their owntroops.As an alternative to U.N. QRUs, one should turn to a security framework whichhas limited membership with shared perception of the security situations, a moremonolithic policy-making body and streamlined commanding structure. In view of this,the existing regional security arrangements qualify as the most viable, least costlyframework. Indeed, the U.N. Charter Chapter VIII is specifically dedicated to the roleof regional security arrangements. Article 53(1)states:“[t]he Security Council shall,where appropriate, utilize such regional arrangements or agencies for enforcementaction under its authority”. Under circumstances where the U.N. is not able to provideits own troops due to reluctance on the part of its member states but is prepared13815 Kim R. Holmes,“New World Disorder: A Critique of the United Nations”, Journal of International Affairs 46(Winter1993): 338.